The Big Business of the 'Fight' Against Piracy in Somalia
Source: Canalsolidario [Spanish Language]
On October 2, 2009, a group of pirates hijacked the tuna boat Alakrana Basque off the coast of Somalia. The ship and the crew, consisting of thirty-six persons were released forty-seven days later, after the Spanish government paid a ransom of 2.7 million euros. The hijacking of Alakrana had several consequences, among which were the extension of the Atalanta-driven [mission] months before by the Council of the EU to combat piracy in the waters off Somalia and authorization by the Spanish government of shipping armed guard in the flag state vessels.
Companies like Segur Ibérica saw that they were flung open a new route into a very lucrative business. In fact, this was the first company which benefited because of the measures taken by the government, then headed by Zapatero, and signed in late 2009, a contract with the owners to take over protection of thirteen tuna vessels.
The presence of private security monitoring was intended to protect the private business of large fishing companies, but for the first time the government took on the cost part. While shipowners pay half the cost, the rest is divided equally between the Spanish government and the Basque or Galician regional executives.
To get an idea of quantities, in 2010, the Ministry of Environment, Rural and Marine Affairs approved a grant of over € 1.9 million to cover part of the cost of hiring private security on board tuna vessels, a figure which increased to nearly 2.4 million in 2011.
In addition, the state executive also assumes the expense of military training of private security which embarks on ships. For companies like Segur Ibérica, the business is remarkable, considering that they pocket about 9,500 euros per month for each guard, but workers receive a salary of 4,000 euros. In short, society presided by Minister Morenés earns several million to deploy a few dozen workers - in 2009 were 54 - in Spanish boats fishing near Somalia.
The kidnapping of Alakrana opened the door to private security companies, but European action against piracy in the Indian Ocean started December 8, 2008 with the approval of Op Atalanta by the EU Council. January 23, 2009, the Council of Ministers, headed by Zapatero, gave the nod to the Spanish participation and leadership in the military deployment off the coast of Somalia, after two days earlier receiving almost unanimous support from Congress. In April 2008, weighed in the air boat sequestration Bakio beach, according to the Ministry of Defence has revealed that piracy in Somalia represented "not only a threat to international maritime safety, but also to the interests of national area" primarily represented by the tuna fishing fleet.
Protection of private interests
Last October, Delàs Centre published a very comprehensive report analyzing the Spanish and international military involvement off the Somali coast. In this paper, it concludes that Operation Atalanta has not helped to reduce the number of piracy attacks. The report, Piracy in Somalia: geopolitical excuse or opportunity? , regrets that other ways of approaching the problem were ruled out, such as diplomatic measures, promoting responsible fishing or accountability for damages caused in Somalia by foreign meddling.
The report lists several reasons for rejecting the Western military intervention against piracy. For example, the intervention seeks to satisfy the interests of the participating countries, fishery benefits in the Spanish case, and not those of the Somali people. Moreover, foreign interference has been a plundering of resources and threatens the country's food sovereignty in the Horn of Africa. Nor have they recognized and are responsible for more than likely illegal fishing in the area conducted by Spanish and, besides, it is causing a revitalization of arms in Somalia, a state that, as happened with Iraq a few years ago, is is becoming a "new haven for private security companies."
Between 2009 and 2011 alone, the Spanish government has spent more than 250 million euros to finance its participation in Operation Atalanta, and all indications are that the number will continue to skyrocket in the coming years. What was initially a twelve-month mission has been extended and currently has guaranteed continuity until at least December 2014. While organizations such as the Delàs Centre demanding the withdrawal all Spanish military involvement in the region and to stop funding private interests - the protection of tuna - with public funds, as Segur Ibérica companies are rubbing their hands when they see your business options multiply.
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